The death of Lamidi Adedibu
By Reuben Abati
THE death two days ago of Chief Lamidi Ariyibi Adedibu, the self-styled controller of Ibadan politics and "father of the PDP",
has been received with muted feelings of relief across the land. The sub-text is the hope that there can now be some peace in
Oyo state politics. Adedibu intervened in Oyo state and Nigerian politics in the last few years in a rather spectacular manner,
wielding power, illegally and recklessly, with the ardour of a warlord. But no one should be tempted to think that this man's
departure will mark the end of the politics of thuggery, rigging and violence.
The lion managed to give birth to cubs, those cubs may soon grow and become more feral than their father. There are persons,
presumably, who are already hustling to fill the space that Adedibu has now vacated. Adedibu played the kind of politics that
lowered the value of Nigerian democracy but he was so successful in that regard, so effective, that he managed to build a
following in his immediate sphere of influence and attracted imitators in other parts of Nigeria. Adedibu's death confronts us
therefore, with the need for an assessment of his kind of politics, and why if this nation's democracy must grow, the way
forward is to rid it of such influences.
Adedibu was a political warlord who found the opportunities for self-expression under Nigeria's clientelist political system,
which is dominated by rent-collectors and closet tyrants. Beginning in the First Republic, he had been a client to some bigger
political forces, and he also had his own clients, all of whom were united by the desire to win power at all cost and by all
means possible, fair or foul, as long as that brought the desired pecuniary rewards and political privileges. Adedibu, as indicated
in his political memoir, What I saw in the politics of Ibadanland began his political career early as "a small boy" in the Action
Group, the political party that was led by the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo. Whenever he described himself as one of
Awolowo's political sons, the core Awoists could never deny him, even if his assignments were of a different nature.
He carved a niche for himself as an effective errand boy who could deliver strong messages to the opposition or provide
protection within the party. He was at a time Publicity Secretary and Chairman of the AG Youth Wing in Ibadan. But in reality,
his role was that of, what is known in Nigerian politics as an "able-bodied man"; an unsuccessful euphemism for the word,
thug. It is a reflection of the nature of Nigerian politics that our politicians have always needed the services of thugs who could
be deployed to take care of sundry assignments: to provide security at campaign grounds, to protect ballot boxes on election
day, or to snatch ballot boxes, and where there is the threat of violence from an opponent, to help convey a sense of terror and
so on. This was Adedibu's natural province.
Over the years, he acquired greater influence and became a master of his own territory. Not much was heard of him during the
years of military rule, because the soldiers could do their own dirty jobs, to entrench themselves in office. With the return to
politics, at intervals, Adedibu managed to emerge as an important factor at the grassroots level. His home-town of Ibadan was
his main territory of operation and by the 80s he had acquired for himself in that city such enormous influence that his home in
Molete became the people's court. Only one other politician in that city wielded such influence before him: the late Adegoke
Adelabu, but Adedibu lacked Adelabu's brilliance, oratory, sophistication and breadth. But in playing populist politics, at the
grassroots level, Adedibu proved to be more inventive, and this is at the root of his effectiveness.
He was not one of those Ibadan elites, who have weekend homes in Ibadan but whose hearts are actually in Lagos, London and
elsewhere. Adedibu lived among the people. Everyday, in and out of political seasons, he prepared food for ordinary people (the
myth is that a cow was slaughtered per day); anyone who was hungry, homeless or jobless knew that he or she could stop by
at Adedibu's house and have a meal of piping hot amala and gbegiri. Those who did not have money in their pockets knew that
Adedibu could be relied upon to come up with some money.
He paid the school fees of their children; he defended their interests, he helped the handicapped. He was the hero of the
downtrodden. His heroism at that level was further helped by his access to very influential people in society. Important public
officials trooped to Adedibu's house to pay homage to him. And the man was not a fool: he advertised such visits and
manipulated the media to focus on his activities. Apart from being media-savvy, he also built an image as a religious and
community leader. He was the Ekaarun Olubadan and later the Ashipa Olubadan, and a ready promoter of the myth of the
importance of chiefs within the community. His admirers called him the Alaafin of Molete.
Politicians who needed the services of thugs, or someone who could do a dirty job and stand boldly by it, knew they could
always count on him. But his judgement was not always right, and it was this that exposed the limitations of his power and
influence. He had no scruples, no sense of shame. He was anti-June 12 for example, he courted the military; he stood
democracy on its head. But Adedibu was powerful only when he had strong support at the centre, only when he served the
interests of an indulgent client at the top, and only when he played the same politics as the people. During the Second Republic,
he belonged to the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) but Awolowo's Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) was so strong in the West,
Adedibu could not play the role of a Godfather. In the 1999 elections, when the Alliance for Democracy and the Afenifere had
not yet imploded and the people of the West still thought that the Awoists would sustain the legacy of the late Awo, Adedibu
could not break through the Awo momentum and this was why between 1999 and 2003, he was not in any position to pose a
nuisance to the Lam Adesina administration in Oyo state.
It was the 2003 elections, together with former President Olusegun Obasanjo's resolve to win power in the West by all means
that brought Adedibu into effective prominence. Adedibu was a member of the PDP, but Obasanjo was his client, with the
mandate to deliver Oyo state by all means. Adedibu got all that he needed to be able to do the job: he had more police security
than the state Governor, and he was licensed to do as he wished. The combination of Obasanjo and Adedibu brought politics in
Oyo state to an all-time low and exposed the evil of the Godfather factor in Nigerian politics. Obasanjo got what he wanted but
he had legitimised a monstrous phenomenon. For all his populism, Adedibu exploited the people's poverty; he built an empire of
riches and fame from the bowls of amala that he gave to the poor. He was no Robin Hood.
He was driven by greed, fear and insecurity.
With the triumph of his brand of politics in 2003, he became an emperor; he created fiefdoms around Oyo state and his
strategy of engagement was vicious. Those who did his bidding were rewarded; anyone who opposed him was severely
punished, he held all the persons he had allegedly helped to get into power under his grip, and this included the Governor.
Adedibu did not pretend that he was a democrat; his simple understanding was that government's money is meant to be shared
and that Godfathers and their thugs, not the people, win elections. Two events between 2003 and 2008 illustrate the dangers of
Adedibu's politics: he had caused former Governor of Oyo state Rashidi Ladoja to be removed from office, because the
Governor had refused to share the State security vote with him every month.
Adedibu simply instructed members of the House of Assembly to remove the Governor and they did. He then took the former
Deputy Governor Adebayo Alao-Akala, now Governor, under his wings. When Alao-Akala later won the 2007 elections as
Governor of Oyo state, his first official assignment was to go to Adedibu's house to prostrate! Alao-Akala must now feel as if
he has been released from bondage. Adedibu flourished so much under Obasanjo that Governors in other states sought his
services too; government officials struggled to cultivate his friendship.
A thug can only be as influential as his client and master. Those who consider Adedibu monstrous should blame Obasanjo. He
gave him the wings to fly; Obasanjo was an accessory to the many atrocities that he and his boys committed. Adedibu openly
defied the courts, he was the grand patron of thugs; he operated as if he was above the law. And yet, former President
Obasanjo praised him at every turn, and the former Chairman of the PDP, Ahmadu Ali called him, affectionately, "the Garrison
Commander of Ibadan politics" Adedibu's politics defined the politics of the PDP, as the same patterns that were played out in
Oyo state could be seen in other PDP states where the threat of violence was a ready instrument of political expression. Just
before his death, Adedibu was reported as boasting that he "will make" his son the Governor of Oyo state in 2011. This should
serve as a lesson to all Godfathers of Nigerian politics, the rent-collectors who are obstructing the growth of democracy, that
life indeed is ephemeral.
The challenge, for the living, is to renew and reform Nigeria's political system to make it impossible for the Adedibu tribe to
continue to grow. The state must be re-organised to make it impossible for thugs and all merchants of violence to grow into
men and women of influence in the midst of decent society. Adedibu's pre-eminence was a sad commentary on the state of our
society's value system and leadership creation process.
By Reuben Abati
THE death two days ago of Chief Lamidi Ariyibi Adedibu, the self-styled controller of Ibadan politics and "father of the PDP",
has been received with muted feelings of relief across the land. The sub-text is the hope that there can now be some peace in
Oyo state politics. Adedibu intervened in Oyo state and Nigerian politics in the last few years in a rather spectacular manner,
wielding power, illegally and recklessly, with the ardour of a warlord. But no one should be tempted to think that this man's
departure will mark the end of the politics of thuggery, rigging and violence.
The lion managed to give birth to cubs, those cubs may soon grow and become more feral than their father. There are persons,
presumably, who are already hustling to fill the space that Adedibu has now vacated. Adedibu played the kind of politics that
lowered the value of Nigerian democracy but he was so successful in that regard, so effective, that he managed to build a
following in his immediate sphere of influence and attracted imitators in other parts of Nigeria. Adedibu's death confronts us
therefore, with the need for an assessment of his kind of politics, and why if this nation's democracy must grow, the way
forward is to rid it of such influences.
Adedibu was a political warlord who found the opportunities for self-expression under Nigeria's clientelist political system,
which is dominated by rent-collectors and closet tyrants. Beginning in the First Republic, he had been a client to some bigger
political forces, and he also had his own clients, all of whom were united by the desire to win power at all cost and by all
means possible, fair or foul, as long as that brought the desired pecuniary rewards and political privileges. Adedibu, as indicated
in his political memoir, What I saw in the politics of Ibadanland began his political career early as "a small boy" in the Action
Group, the political party that was led by the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo. Whenever he described himself as one of
Awolowo's political sons, the core Awoists could never deny him, even if his assignments were of a different nature.
He carved a niche for himself as an effective errand boy who could deliver strong messages to the opposition or provide
protection within the party. He was at a time Publicity Secretary and Chairman of the AG Youth Wing in Ibadan. But in reality,
his role was that of, what is known in Nigerian politics as an "able-bodied man"; an unsuccessful euphemism for the word,
thug. It is a reflection of the nature of Nigerian politics that our politicians have always needed the services of thugs who could
be deployed to take care of sundry assignments: to provide security at campaign grounds, to protect ballot boxes on election
day, or to snatch ballot boxes, and where there is the threat of violence from an opponent, to help convey a sense of terror and
so on. This was Adedibu's natural province.
Over the years, he acquired greater influence and became a master of his own territory. Not much was heard of him during the
years of military rule, because the soldiers could do their own dirty jobs, to entrench themselves in office. With the return to
politics, at intervals, Adedibu managed to emerge as an important factor at the grassroots level. His home-town of Ibadan was
his main territory of operation and by the 80s he had acquired for himself in that city such enormous influence that his home in
Molete became the people's court. Only one other politician in that city wielded such influence before him: the late Adegoke
Adelabu, but Adedibu lacked Adelabu's brilliance, oratory, sophistication and breadth. But in playing populist politics, at the
grassroots level, Adedibu proved to be more inventive, and this is at the root of his effectiveness.
He was not one of those Ibadan elites, who have weekend homes in Ibadan but whose hearts are actually in Lagos, London and
elsewhere. Adedibu lived among the people. Everyday, in and out of political seasons, he prepared food for ordinary people (the
myth is that a cow was slaughtered per day); anyone who was hungry, homeless or jobless knew that he or she could stop by
at Adedibu's house and have a meal of piping hot amala and gbegiri. Those who did not have money in their pockets knew that
Adedibu could be relied upon to come up with some money.
He paid the school fees of their children; he defended their interests, he helped the handicapped. He was the hero of the
downtrodden. His heroism at that level was further helped by his access to very influential people in society. Important public
officials trooped to Adedibu's house to pay homage to him. And the man was not a fool: he advertised such visits and
manipulated the media to focus on his activities. Apart from being media-savvy, he also built an image as a religious and
community leader. He was the Ekaarun Olubadan and later the Ashipa Olubadan, and a ready promoter of the myth of the
importance of chiefs within the community. His admirers called him the Alaafin of Molete.
Politicians who needed the services of thugs, or someone who could do a dirty job and stand boldly by it, knew they could
always count on him. But his judgement was not always right, and it was this that exposed the limitations of his power and
influence. He had no scruples, no sense of shame. He was anti-June 12 for example, he courted the military; he stood
democracy on its head. But Adedibu was powerful only when he had strong support at the centre, only when he served the
interests of an indulgent client at the top, and only when he played the same politics as the people. During the Second Republic,
he belonged to the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) but Awolowo's Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) was so strong in the West,
Adedibu could not play the role of a Godfather. In the 1999 elections, when the Alliance for Democracy and the Afenifere had
not yet imploded and the people of the West still thought that the Awoists would sustain the legacy of the late Awo, Adedibu
could not break through the Awo momentum and this was why between 1999 and 2003, he was not in any position to pose a
nuisance to the Lam Adesina administration in Oyo state.
It was the 2003 elections, together with former President Olusegun Obasanjo's resolve to win power in the West by all means
that brought Adedibu into effective prominence. Adedibu was a member of the PDP, but Obasanjo was his client, with the
mandate to deliver Oyo state by all means. Adedibu got all that he needed to be able to do the job: he had more police security
than the state Governor, and he was licensed to do as he wished. The combination of Obasanjo and Adedibu brought politics in
Oyo state to an all-time low and exposed the evil of the Godfather factor in Nigerian politics. Obasanjo got what he wanted but
he had legitimised a monstrous phenomenon. For all his populism, Adedibu exploited the people's poverty; he built an empire of
riches and fame from the bowls of amala that he gave to the poor. He was no Robin Hood.
He was driven by greed, fear and insecurity.
With the triumph of his brand of politics in 2003, he became an emperor; he created fiefdoms around Oyo state and his
strategy of engagement was vicious. Those who did his bidding were rewarded; anyone who opposed him was severely
punished, he held all the persons he had allegedly helped to get into power under his grip, and this included the Governor.
Adedibu did not pretend that he was a democrat; his simple understanding was that government's money is meant to be shared
and that Godfathers and their thugs, not the people, win elections. Two events between 2003 and 2008 illustrate the dangers of
Adedibu's politics: he had caused former Governor of Oyo state Rashidi Ladoja to be removed from office, because the
Governor had refused to share the State security vote with him every month.
Adedibu simply instructed members of the House of Assembly to remove the Governor and they did. He then took the former
Deputy Governor Adebayo Alao-Akala, now Governor, under his wings. When Alao-Akala later won the 2007 elections as
Governor of Oyo state, his first official assignment was to go to Adedibu's house to prostrate! Alao-Akala must now feel as if
he has been released from bondage. Adedibu flourished so much under Obasanjo that Governors in other states sought his
services too; government officials struggled to cultivate his friendship.
A thug can only be as influential as his client and master. Those who consider Adedibu monstrous should blame Obasanjo. He
gave him the wings to fly; Obasanjo was an accessory to the many atrocities that he and his boys committed. Adedibu openly
defied the courts, he was the grand patron of thugs; he operated as if he was above the law. And yet, former President
Obasanjo praised him at every turn, and the former Chairman of the PDP, Ahmadu Ali called him, affectionately, "the Garrison
Commander of Ibadan politics" Adedibu's politics defined the politics of the PDP, as the same patterns that were played out in
Oyo state could be seen in other PDP states where the threat of violence was a ready instrument of political expression. Just
before his death, Adedibu was reported as boasting that he "will make" his son the Governor of Oyo state in 2011. This should
serve as a lesson to all Godfathers of Nigerian politics, the rent-collectors who are obstructing the growth of democracy, that
life indeed is ephemeral.
The challenge, for the living, is to renew and reform Nigeria's political system to make it impossible for the Adedibu tribe to
continue to grow. The state must be re-organised to make it impossible for thugs and all merchants of violence to grow into
men and women of influence in the midst of decent society. Adedibu's pre-eminence was a sad commentary on the state of our
society's value system and leadership creation process.
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